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It's partly that fishing, while only a small part of the economy, used to be until comparatively recently a very major part of particular local economies, so the decline of local fishing fleets has very badly affected these areas. Furthermore, there's no obvious reason why other industries or businesses would want to relocate there because, by definition, unless there's also a major commercial port nearby (e.g. Hull), a fishing port is a place at the end of a road somewhere rather than part of an active communications network.Indeed. But the Brexiteers always are so serious about supporting this non-relevant part of the British economy, as if the whole UK's well-being is dependant solely on that. This is something I never understood.
As my late partner, who was from Hull, used to say, "You meet lots of people who were born in Hull and have left, but you very rarely meet anyone who's relocating there," and Hull still has an active port. Grimsby, just the other side of the Humber estuary from Hull, which also used to have a major fishing fleet, has suffered very badly.
So fishing ports, or what remains of them, are very much what would be called in the US "left behind areas" and tend to blame their misfortunes on distant bureaucrats in both London and Brussels, so the "take back control" message tended to resonate there.
One of the attractions of Brexit was that many parts of the UK outside London and the south east, and outside the major provincial cities, have suffered major economic difficulties as a result of the liberalisation of the world economy over the last 40 years, and successive governments have promised them help that's never really materialised. I'm from a major city in one of those areas and I've seen how, while the city's large and diverse economy has protected it, nearby towns and villages have really suffered since the 1980s and continue so to do (the local industry was coal, but it's the same problem as fishing).
Brexit purported to offer a way to turn back the clock to more prosperous times, as does Nigel Farage's Reform party now.
ETA: This post (which I think is free to read) is relevant:
As it happens, I'm in the middle of reading Hurrah For The Blackshirts!: Fascists and Fascism in Britain Between the Wars by Martin Pugh, and am struck by how Mosely and the Blackshirts were also very concerned about British farming and the British fishing fleet, partly because they were opposed to free trade and international trade agreements, favouring instead economic autarky, and partly because they saw farming and fishing as particularly authentic, pre-industrial, British economic activities.To listen to the endless stream of words which flows from their mouths, you might think that not a single person in the fabled “Red Wall” has never nor will ever (i) go abroad (ii) go to university (iii) worked abroad (iv) had a latte. This is the laughable ersatz vision of working class Britain that deeply middle class illiberal metropolitan elites possess- a north of England which is at the end of the line and forever end of the pier. They expose their deep eccentricity as they obsess over the outrage of an agriculture agreement, whilst dismissing Britain’s potential re-accession to schemes such as Erasmus, or e-gates as “middle class obsessions”. They have nothing to say to the millions of ordinary people who travel to Europe every year, or who have family there. They have nothing to say to working class kids who actually need state support most to expand their horizons to other countries. They speak on behalf of a group of people about whom they largely have little conception, and who are convinced share the same abstract political neuroses as they. It speaks to a fundamental of British politics: both liberal and illiberal metropolitan elites are deeply unrepresentative of the public, and it’s only the liberal ones who know it.
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