Corbyns own position may, or may not, matter. But then we have Labours official position. If it is labours official position.
I think many voters, who are concerned about brexit (pro or anti) will not trust that position. Vote for us and we'll tell you what we think 3 months after we win isn't something thats going to inspire confidence. Their stated aims do not include FOM and on a personal note no FOM means no vote for labour from me.
I would have to check old documents to be sure, but I think the confusion arises because Labour's Official Position as described by the Leader's office is Labour's Official Position as it is right now.
However, the NEC statement appears to reflect the policy they intend to recommend to the Labour Party Conference when the issue is debated in the next day or so, and what they hope will be the official policy at the end of the week, and certainly when the election is called.
Certainly, the issue isn't what Labour's policy is right now but what Conference think it should be for the election.
ETA: According to
The Guardian's rolling reports,
- Jeremy Corbyn is facing a clash with party members tomorrow over his plan to postpone a vote on what stance the party should adopt in a referendum on Brexit until after the general election. The party’s national executive committee has approved a motion saying this decision must “only” be taken after the proposed Brexit renegotiation. See 4.40pm. But surveys suggest the Labour membership is overwhelming in favour of remain, and at least 80 motions have been submitted saying the party should commit to remain now. Delegates will debate this decision tomorrow afternoon, but whether the conference ends up taking a firm decision, or settling on a compromise, may depend on the wording of the composite motion that is being drafted in a private meeting this evening.
Since I can conceive of no circumstances in which Corbyn (or anyone else who lacks the power to work miracles) could persuade the EU27 to agree to Red Unicorns for the Many, I think the question of which side Labour would back in any referendum is pretty academic.
Rather, the argument is about what Labour's position should be going into the General Election, bearing in mind that, in order for there to be any chance of averting Brexit, someone other than the Conservatives or the Brexit Party has to win in those 140-odd Labour-held seats that voted Leave in 2015, and in most of those seats, the only other candidate with a chance will be the Labour one.
So it's primarily a decision about electoral strategy rather than anything else.